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On February 6, 2022, President Kaies Saied announced that he would dissolve Tunisia’s Supreme Judicial Council. While his supporters welcomed the declaration with satisfaction, many more across broad segments of society greeted it with outrage and resentment. That the president made this unilateral announcement on the premises of the Ministry of Interior—responsible for public security—stung all the more, as if to send a message that he would not hesitate to use executive power to counter perceived disobedience, judicial or otherwise.

TUNIS, Apr. 14, 2011—The international conference on transitional justice, Addressing the Past, Building the Future, opened this morning in Tunis with more than 150 participants from Tunisia and other countries of the Middle East and North Africa. In sessions dealing with transitional justice...

NEW YORK, Mar. 3, 2011—The international community should maintain the robust stance for accountability in Libya that it has shown in recent days, said the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) today after welcoming the decision of the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court...

NEW YORK, Mar. 18, 2011—“Those responsible for the shelling of a market in Abidjan must be identified and held accountable,” said ICTJ president David Tolbert referring to yesterday’s attack on a food market in Abobo, a suburb of the Ivory Coast’s capital, in which 100 people were killed or wounded...

In Afghanistan's nation-building process, security has been prioritized over justice. Slow progress on crucial institutional reforms continues to impede efforts to create a competent and professional police force, a functioning civil service, and an accountable judiciary; all three of which are vital to successful disarmament, transitional justice and, ultimately, security.

In Afghanistan's nation-building process, security has been prioritized over justice. Slow progress on crucial institutional reforms continues to impede efforts to create a competent and professional police force, a functioning civil service, and an accountable judiciary; all three of which are vital to successful disarmament, transitional justice and, ultimately, security.

The disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) process implemented in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) following the 1992-1994 war helped facilitate the transition to peace. However, the almost total failure of international and domestic authorities to support demobilized combatants in post-conflict BiH and politically powerful veterans' associations impeded the progress of justice for civilian war victims.

The disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) process implemented in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) following the 1992-1994 war helped facilitate the transition to peace. However, the almost total failure of international and domestic authorities to support demobilized combatants in post-conflict BiH and politically powerful veterans' associations impeded the progress of justice for civilian war victims.

Demobilization was first initiated in Cambodia in 1992, but there have been few attempts to link disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) processes to transitional justice measures. The government's overriding consideration has been the preservation of stability, narrowly interpreted by the CPP elite in terms of their own security.

The DDR process in Colombia aims to guarantee citizens their fundamental rights while at the same time to create space for the integration of demobilized armed groups. It remains to be seen if the Colombian DDR and transitional justice model can be implemented such that it satisfies both the requirements of an immediate cession of violence while also meeting victim's demands for reparation