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Vision + Mission

We work side by side with victims to obtain acknowledgment and redress for massive human rights violations, hold those responsible to account, reform and build democratic institutions, and prevent the recurrence of violence or repression.

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What Is Transitional Justice?

Transitional justice refers to how societies respond to the legacies of massive and serious human rights violations. It asks some of the most difficult questions in law, politics, and the social sciences and grapples with innumerable dilemmas. Above all, transitional justice is about victims.

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  • Youth Engagement
  • Sustainable Development Goals
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Vision + Mission

We work side by side with victims to obtain acknowledgment and redress for massive human rights violations, hold those responsible to account, reform and build democratic institutions, and prevent the recurrence of violence or repression.

  • How We Work
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  • Our Impact + Annual Reports
  • Our Donors + Financial Reports
  • Our Story

What Is Transitional Justice?

Transitional justice refers to how societies respond to the legacies of massive and serious human rights violations. It asks some of the most difficult questions in law, politics, and the social sciences and grapples with innumerable dilemmas. Above all, transitional justice is about victims.

  • Criminal Justice
  • Reparations
  • Truth and Memory
  • Institutional Reform
  • Gender Justice
  • Youth Engagement
  • Sustainable Development Goals
  • Prevention
  • Peace Processes

Browse the Resource Library

The Resource Library stores all of ICTJ’s published works since 2001 to the present, grouped by category and searchable by key word, country, issue, language, and more.

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Access our reports, briefing papers, books, educational resources, and archived materials. 

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Plus De Poisson Que Du Poison (More Fish, Not Poison)

Ongoing economic and social inequality, a legacy of the dictatorship, affects Tunisians across generations, but has particularly pronounced impacts on young people. ICTJ worked with four young photographers to confront the consequences of marginalization and explore its impacts on Tunisian youth. Their four photo galleries comprise the exhibition "Marginalization in Tunisia: Images of an Invisible Repression.” In this gallery, Ali Jabeur explores the environmental and economic devastation of the fishing town of Gabes. About the Gallery For years, many people in the Gabes region in eastern Tunisia were fishermen. The Gulf of Gabes is the largest in Tunisia home to a variety of fish and plentiful resources. But in 1947 a chemical company set up in the region. At first it was a boon, creating more jobs, but over time it has become a curse: the factory has become a source of deadly chemical pollution. Aside from the toxic gas that it produces the company also pours waste into the sea each day, which has driven out many of the marine animals that have given life to the region. These problems have had a deep impact on the region: most fishermen in Gabes are now unemployed and have many qualms with the state, which does not seek solutions for their plight. About the Photographer Ali Jabeur, 26, began pursuing photography as a child. “I was the only one in the family allowed to use my father’s ‘very precious’ camera,” he explains. Those amateur family snapshots blossomed into a serious passion during the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, when Ali discovered the power of the photo. “I realized that being a photographer is a responsibility and that taking pictures is a mission,” he says. “For me, it means committing to and defending a cause, an approach that guides all of my work.” Ali is now photojournalist and is currently setting his own communication company up. Explore the other three galleries that comprise "Marginalization in Tunisia: Images of an Invisible Repression" Nedra Jouini on the psychological effects of marginalization Emna Fetni on the social and spacial outskirts of Tunis Ashraf Gharbi on the challenges facing one couple who stood up to the dictatorship

  • Institutional Reform
  • Tunisia

'Zyara to Yemen' Docuseries

The Arabic word “Zyara” means “visit” in English. The Zyara documentary series takes an innovative, deeply personal approach to storytelling with a view to nurturing collective social and emotional healing. Through candid encounters, it paints poetic portraits of four Yemenis refugees living in Oman, including a human rights lawyer and activist, a restaurant worker, a martial arts champion, and a businessman. By telling their stories and celebrating the resilient spirit of the Yemeni people, the Zyara project seeks to raise awareness and preserve truth and memory. 

Videos
  • Criminal Justice
  • Youth Engagement
  • Truth and Memory
  • Yemen
  • . . .

New Frontiers for Restorative Justice: Colombia’s Special Jurisdiction for Peace

Since time immemorial, justice for a crime has generally meant punishment of the wrongdoer. Even today, some members of society, including victims and lawmakers, still believe that justice is not served unless the guilty party receives a stern and punitive sentence, such a long prison term or even capital punishment for the most serious crimes. However, the theory of justice has evolved tremendously in the last century, and especially in recent decades. Transitional justice processes, in particular, have helped shift the focus of criminal accountability for gross human violations from punishing the offender to fulfilling the victim’s rights to truth, redress, and guarantees of non-recurrence. In doing so, these processes seek to mend the social fabric in societies emerging from, and often torn apart by, violent conflict or repression and to lay the foundation for lasting peace and reconciliation. A justice that focuses on repairing the harm rather than punishing the crime is commonly referred to as reparative justice. Restorative justice traces its roots to traditional and indigenous judicial systems, in which the whole community often participates in administering justice for a crime. Colombia’s ongoing Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) represents the most ambitious process to date to incorporate restorative justice practices into its mandate and operations. Established by the 2016 peace agreement to hold to account those responsible for mass human rights abuses committed during Colombia’s 50-yearlong civil war with the guerrilla group the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the JEP takes an unprecedented mixed approach that integrates substantive restorative justice strategies alongside retributive justice sanctions. As part their sentencing before the court, perpetrators who acknowledge their responsibility for crimes actively participate in restorative justice measures that serve to repair the harms inflicted on the victims and their communities. The recent ICTJ report A Mixed Approach to International Crimes: The Retributive and Restorative Justice Procedures of Colombia’s Special Jurisdiction for Peace describes the court’s mixed model, delves into its innerworkings, and critically assesses its restorative justice components and their impact. Last year, ICTJ hosted a weeklong conference on restorative justice in Bogotá, Colombia, led by three of the world’s most prominent experts in the field: Roberto Cornelli and Adolfo Ceretti from Italy, John Braithwaite from Australia, and ICTJ’s own Deputy Director and Director of Programs Anna Myriam Roccatello. Over the course of the week, these experts met both publicly and privately with members of the JEP, victims, ex-combatants, members of the armed forces, and academics to discuss the role of restorative justice in criminal accountability in general and specifically in the implementation of Colombia’s peace agreement. John Braithwaite, Adolfo Ceretti, and Roberto Cornelli, also made some time to sit down with ICTJ to discuss restorative justice and Colombia’s transitional justice process. The video below presents excerpts from these filmed interviews.

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  • Reparations
  • Criminal Justice
  • Truth and Memory
  • Institutional Reform
  • Colombia
  • Americas
  • . . .

The "Cristinas of Conflict" Keep the Memory of Disappeared Women Alive in Colombia

Fifteen years ago, a young nurse named Cristina Cobo was forcibly disappeared by members of the paramilitary group United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia. Paulina Mahecha, her mother, preserves her memory and that of over 20 other disappeared women from the departments of Meta and Guaviare by creating rag dolls. The "Cristinas of the Conflict," as Paulina calls them, are now part of a traveling exhibition that aims to raise awareness in Colombia about what happened in the south of the country.

Photos
  • Truth and Memory
  • Gender Justice
  • Reparations
  • Americas
  • Colombia
  • . . .

From Abducted Children to Empowered Mothers

For years the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) captured thousands of young girls in northern Uganda, forcing them to be not only soldiers, but wives and mothers too. When these women finally escaped their captors, children in tow, they hoped to be welcomed back into their communities. Instead, they and their children were met with rejection because of their time “in the bush” with the LRA. This stigma continues to have severe social and economic consequences for mother and child: they are socially marginalized and can scarcely meet basic needs, such as food, clothing, and shelter. The children often cannot afford school, and face scorn when they are able to attend. Since 2015 ICTJ has allied with two local organizations to understand the impact of the lack of accountability for sexual violence committed during the conflict and advocate for redress. Founded by mothers who gave birth in LRA captivity, Watye Ki Gen and the Women’s Advocacy Network (WAN) work at a grassroots level to confront the pervasive stigma in their communities. They empower children born of wartime rape, and their mothers, both socially and economically. Watye Ki Gen has taken the lead in identifying and documenting children born in captivity and bringing them together in support groups. It provides counseling and support to the children, helping them address the stigma they face both at home and within their communities. WAN advocates for economic independence for formerly abducted women while also providing them with the tools needed to advocate for their rights. It offers literacy classes and other training, and its members petition the government to fulfill its obligations to them and their children. Go inside the work of both Watye Ki Gen and WAN, and meet the inspiring women behind their missions.

Photos
  • Gender Justice
  • Youth Engagement
  • Truth and Memory
  • Reparations
  • Africa
  • Uganda
  • . . .

Zedin, Mina's only Son

The intimacy of violence has left deep scars in Prijedor, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Seemingly overnight, neighbors turned into perpetrators of incomprehensible violence. Today, twenty years since the end of the war, mothers of the disappeared often live next to those who disappeared their children. Silence and denial about the past continues to be imposed on both by the ongoing political conflict over the “prevailing truths” about what has taken place, with little space for an honest reckoning and forgiveness. With hopes dwindling that they will live to see the perpetrators face justice and refusal of the authorities to acknowledge and memorialize their loved ones, some families are breaking the silence by erecting their own memorials. Mina Delkic is one of them.

Photos
  • Truth and Memory
  • The former Yugoslavia
  • Europe

Beacons of Truth, Spaces of Remembrance: The Role of Memorials for the Disappeared

Some of the relatives’ stories start with the banging of a door at night, followed by a sudden abduction; others begin with a seemingly innocent citation to appear at a police station for a “routine procedure”. In any case, the stories always unfold in a desolate manner: as a loved one vanishes without official explanation, the family starts a desperate pilgrimage to hospitals, barracks, morgues and clandestine burial sites, only to be mocked and stigmatized. The crime of enforced disappearance—the abduction of a person followed by the indefinite denial of their detention and of information on their whereabouts—is one of the cruelest and most effective forms of repression. The relatives and social circles of the disappeared suffer a deep sense of anxiety and fear that has been recognized as a form of torture; communities and organizations weaken under a pall of terror. The Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Detentions, a UN body established in 1980 to assist the families of the disappeared seeking cooperation from the governments concerned, has examined over 54,000 cases representing violations that took place in 104 countries. This is but a fraction of known cases from around the world. The contexts where disappearances have taken place vary widely: a military dictatorship, like the Argentine junta in the 1980s; a civil war like Algeria’s in the 1990s; the so-called “war on terror” in more recent times. Disappearances violate several fundamental rights, including the right to life, to legal recognition as a person, to due process guarantees, and to be protected from torture. In addition, since perpetrators hide information, the relatives’ and society’s right to know the truth is also violated. Several countries where ICTJ has worked over the years have developed policies to address the needs of families of those who are missing: truth commission in Peru, Morocco, and Brazil established authoritative lists of victims, identified sites of illegal detention and clandestine gravesites; and local forensic experts have developed impressive technical knowledge, conducting thousands of exhumations, identifying remains and returning remains to families in countries like South Africa, Bosnia, and Guatemala. But what needs to be done is still much more than the progress in the terrain: governments often put legislation to seek the disappeared on the back burner or fail to provide sufficient resources to their experts, inured to the demands of aging, desperate relatives. On the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, ICTJ joins efforts worldwide to uphold the rights and reflect the dignity of the victims and their relatives. The struggle of the relatives of the disappeared has been a source of inspiration to all of us who work in transitional justice processes and in defense of human rights more generally. They set an example for us with their courage and creativity in insisting on the right to know what happened to their loved ones, in demanding justice and in keeping the presence of the disappeared alive in the broader society. On this International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearance, ICTJ is highlighting some of the many forms that relatives of the disappeared have used to promote and honor the memory of the disappeared around the world. These memorials and commemorative practices help to educate the public about this horrible crime, about the lives that were lost and fates that were hidden, and to remind the citizens of a continued responsibility to unveil the truth and seek justice for the disappeared. In some places where democracy has strengthened since authoritarian regimes, like Chile and Argentina, memorials have gained official status and receive thousands of visitors; in other countries, like Lebanon or Nepal, the relatives perform demonstrations and pilgrimages to mark the disappearances; while artists and civil society supporters in Peru develop other forms of commemoration, like the ceremonial knitting of clothing objects with the names of the disappeared. Everywhere, these commemorative practices and sites are imbued by the symbolic power of one of the most basic human cultural needs: grieving for the dead, and honoring them in accordance to each community’s spiritual beliefs. Memorials allow for mourning, but they also facilitate dialogue and learning. They can mobilize educators, artists, religious leaders, and other constituencies whose participation is critical to affect societal transformation. The importance of memorializing is critical not only to the relatives of the disappeared but to new generations focused on a future free of abuse. Commemorating the disappeared—honoring their dignity and their relatives’ struggle—is an integral element of transitional justice that governments and society need to uphold.

Photos
  • Reparations
  • Truth and Memory
  • Americas
  • Africa
  • Asia and Oceania
  • Middle East and North Africa
  • Europe
  • Argentina
  • Colombia
  • Peru
  • Indonesia
  • Nepal
  • Timor-Leste
  • The former Yugoslavia
  • Lebanon
  • Algeria
  • . . .

Sons of a Father's Disappearance and a Mother's Struggle

Growing up in Ras el Nabeh, a lively neighborhood in the heart of Beirut, was tough and dangerous in the early 1980s, as it was part of the Green Line –a maze of abandoned streets inhabited by weeds turned into a frontline that vertically divided Christian East Beirut from Muslim West Beirut. Yet, brothers Ziad and Ghassan Halwani have good memories of that time. "I used to look at this neighborhood as a small village," remembers Ziad, the older brother, now 38 years old. "Everybody knew each other there." Their grandfather and uncles lived across the street, where they ran a grocery store. "So we used to make the short trip from my house to my grandpa's house every now and then, we would see everyone on the street," recalls Ghassan, 35. Tensions in the early 1970s between the right-wing Christian Alliance — organized under the Lebanese Front and the Phalange Party— and the leftist Muslim Alliance — represented by the Lebanese National Movement — led to widespread fighting in 1975, marking the beginning of a 15-year civil war in Lebanon. Regional conflict and struggle for control and dominance spilled into Lebanon and added layers of complexity to an already convoluted internal conflict. Interventions and occupation by Palestinian factions, Israel, and Syria played a key role in the course of the conflict. Over 100,000 civilians were killed during the war. As violence intensified between the factions in Beirut, especially near the Green Line, Ras el Nabeh became a combat zone and saw some of the heaviest street fighting. "It was difficult to move around, since there were snipers and battles going on around us," Ziad said. Ghassan will never forget a bomb that exploded near their building on the West side of the line, causing all the windows in their apartment to shatter. "The general ambiance was familial and normal, despite the abnormal circumstances around us," Ziad recalls when thinking about his family's daily life. "I think my parents were making an effort to let us live a normal life." Ziad and Ghassan's father, Adnan Halwani, was a history teacher in a public school, and their mother, Wadad Halwani, was also a teacher. Besides his work at the school, Adnan was an active member of the Lebanese Communist Party, which supported the Palestinian resistance in its fight against Israel. Confrontation spiked in September 1982. On the 14th, President Bechir Gemayel, the leader of the Lebanese Forces – the Christian militia – was assassinated. In retaliation, two days later the Lebanese Phalangist militia –with Israel’s support – attacked two Patestinian refugee camps in Beirut, Sabra, and Shatila, and massacred an estimated 700 to 3,500 people. The number of those killed is still disputed. 'The Most Important Day' On the afternoon of September 24, 1982, the Halwani family was just sitting down for lunch when there was a knock on the door. When Ziad answered, two men who identified themselves as “Taharri” – police detectives – asked to speak with Adnan. They said they needed to take him away for questioning concerning a traffic accident, that it would be only five minutes. They led Adnan to a car at gunpoint and drove off. Ziad doesn't remember the day his father was kidnapped. He doesn't recall opening the door either. He was six years old, and opening the door to visitors was something he often did. He didn't notice anything strange on that day; only after, when more strangers came and asked his mother questions. "I never felt guilty or regretted anything, even if I was the one who opened the door," Ziad says. On the other hand Ghassan, who was three at the time, says he does have some memories of that day, but they’re very confusing. It was "the most important day," he says, but he admits he can’t be sure if the memories are his or based on stories he later heard. Wadad told her sons that Adnan had to travel abroad, that he was in Paris. She even sent letters and gifts to the kids, signing them from "Daddy." When the children heard a plane passing by, they would look up and ask if it was daddy coming home. When Ziad and Ghassan began saying they didn't remember their father's face, Wadad added photos of Adnan to the letters. At the time, disappearances were nothing uncommon. During the 15-year conflict, more than 17,000 people were kidnapped and forcibly disappeared in Lebanon. People were abducted from their homes, from the street, or taken from checkpoints by multiple fighting factions. They were often exchanged for other prisoners, killed out of hatred or for revenge, or were disappeared to deepen sectarian divisions. Many disappeared in mass killings and were buried in mass graves, most of which have never been identified nor exhumed. Others were forcibly taken by Syria and Israel’s armies. When strangers came to Ziad and Ghassan’s home asking about his father, Ziad would hide behind the sofa and listen to the conversations. A few months later, Ziad confessed to his mother that he knew the truth. "Since then, I became an accomplice in hiding the truth from my brother," he recalls. Wadad and Ziad decided that hiding the truth from Ghassan was the best way to protect him. “As a kid, sometimes I used to believe my mother’s ‘story,’ but at other times I was more rational and started having doubts and asking myself questions that were more difficult to answer,” Ghassan says. Some parts of the story his mother told him didn’t make sense. He would anxiously ask himself: “Why did he travel without telling me about it? If he’s abroad, why isn’t he calling?” It was hard for Wadad to keep up the same story for long, and Ghassan’s growing suspicions deeply affected their relationship. The fact that Ziad was told the truth and Ghassan hadn’t resulted in completely different relationships forming between Wadad and her sons. “Ziad was the one who knew, the one who was asked about the enforced disappearance – although he was only six back then – and the one who was consulted before making decisions, especially when it came to hiding the truth from me,” Ghassan recalls. “This situation affected our relationship and still has an impact now.” Ghassan's strongest memories of his father's kidnapping are connected to gossip, which increased Ghassan’s doubts about his father’s absence, but also led him “closer to the truth,” he says. When they visited acquaintances or accompanied their mother to meetings, other boys would ask them who their father was. “Ah, so you’re the son of the guy who was kidnapped,” Ghassan recalls they’d say. “This triggered negative reactions, but also allowed me to know the truth.” Ziad as well felt very uncomfortable when other children asked about his father. When he was 7 or 8, he refused to go to school. “There was a kid in my class who knew about my story and started talking about it publically,” he explains. “I didn’t want my story to be shared because it looked ‘exotic’ for kids back then.” Ziad ended up moving to another school. Ghassan doesn’t remember the exact moment when he told his mother he knew the truth about Adnan, but her confirmation didn't provide any relief either –it actually made things less clear: “When she used to tell me he was in France, it was easy to imagine it. But now she was saying ‘he’s kidnapped and we don’t know anything about him.’ The image in my mind became blurred, I couldn’t relate it to something concrete or tangible.” Wadad's Choices Besides the direct effects Adnan’s enforced disappearance had on Ziad and Ghassan’s life, their childhood was also deeply shaped by their mother’s response to the traumatic event. Wadad quickly became one of the first public voices in Lebanon calling for truth and accountability for the kidnapped and disappeared. Right after Adnan went missing, Wadad went from one police department and military station to another, trying to gather any information she could about his whereabouts. As the months passed, the search turned into public calls for families of the disappeared to gather for demonstrations, and meetings with politicians and other influential figures. Because Ziad and Ghassan were so young, Wadad would take them to the events. "The transition from a familial, stable environment to 'the street' was difficult," Ghassan recalls. "I was surrounded by a lot of people I didn't know, women and kids my age, who were totally in despair... I didn't understand why I was in this place." As Wadad's activism grew stronger, and her work would sometimes keep her away from her children for days. Due to the war, the family constantly moved from house to house inside Beirut, avoiding shellings. Later they moved to Aicha Bakar in West Beirut, away from the Green Line. The brothers don't criticize or fault their mother's commitment to the cause of the disappeared. "Wadad was radical about it. We didn't even think of questioning her absence," Ghassan says. "We missed her, of course, but we couldn't think of delegitimizing or questioning her struggle. I don’t think she gave us any other choice." Adnan's kidnapping would consume all conversations and actions of the Halwani family over the years. At times, Ziad felt overwhelmed by it. "They would only present my father as a great person, as a hero. As a kid, I needed this 'hero' narrative, but I also needed to hear something normal that would be closer to reality. With time, I was bored of listening to the same stories being repeated over and over." Ghassan cannot dissociate his father's kidnapping from his mother's activism, and the impact they both had on his life: "Wadad's struggle never stopped, but it also contributed to perpetuating the other event [Adnan’s disappearance], as if the disappearance was still going on. If Wadad had made other choices, the impact of the disappearance on me would have been different." Making the Struggle Their Own Years have gone by. Although they have never learned the fate of their father, Ziad and Ghassan have found their own ways to contribute to the struggle for truth and accountability about the missing, a movement that both still feel a part of. Ziad defines himself as a "pragmatic" person: "I couldn't abandon the struggle because it was imposed on us and on my mother in particular, but also because there were other people who were in need, who relied on us." He believes that it was the resilience of the victims and their tireless fight that made a few successes possible so far. In April 2014, the State Shura Council, one of the highest judicial authorities in Lebanon, granted the families of the missing access to an archive of information gathered by the Commission of Inquiry on the Missing and Forcibly Disappeared in Lebanon – conducted in 2000 – which has remained classified for over a decade. Yet any real action is still pending. "The state should be held responsible, because it has failed to respond until now," Ziad said. "It should invest in uncovering the truth, despite the amnesty law that was voted in 1991. The [Shura Council] decision is positive. I don't expect secrets to be revealed in these reports; however, the decision itself is symbolic." The fate of the disappeared is a central issue of Ghassan's artistic work. He is an illustrator who has worked on a broad range of projects, from books to movies to advocacy campaigns. One of his themes is the ephemeral character of memory and the importance of documentation, which was further strengthened by a profound experience he had during the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah. When the war began, Wadad and Ghassan had to move out of their home because they couldn't afford the rent – the southern suburb where they lived was becoming too expensive because it wasn’t targeted by Israeli bombings. They couldn't take all of their belongings with them. Among the things they decided to sacrifice and leave behind were parts of the archives Wadad had been collecting over the years – thousands of pictures, posters, videos, and documents from the families of the disappeared. Ghassan told his mother that he would select samples and then take the remaining copies to the garbage. "I was walking alone on the empty streets of Ain al Ramaneh, carrying my small trolley full of posters and copies of files about the missing, amid the sounds of missiles exploding next to me in the Southern Suburb," he recalls. He went back and forth three times. The third time, he looked into the content of the boxes. There were photocopies of pictures of the disappeared. "At this point I was totally in despair, and I asked myself: Why am I doing this?" he explains. He wasn’t able to throw all those people’s lives away. He decided to organize all the documents, based on years and topics, and display them next to the garbage. "I couldn't take them back because I had the originals and these were copies, but I thought that maybe if I arranged them this way, someone passing by could take away a poster or a videotape with him." Nowadays, Wadad, Ziad and Ghassan are living their own independent lives in Beirut. They don’t act as a "conventional" family, Ziad explains, although he and Wadad live on the same street in a residential neighborhood in South-East Beirut. "We don't meet every Sunday for lunch, especially since Wadad is often busy with her projects. But we're still a family!" Ghassan continues to move to different places, after spending some time in France. He is currently working with his mother on a campaign they will launch in September to pressure the government to implement the Shura State decision. Ziad is the manager of a theater in Beirut. He got married and now has two children, six and four years old – the same ages as his brother and he were when their father was kidnapped. He talks to his children about Adnan, their grandfather. "I obviously don't talk to them in an emotional way, but if they seem to have questions, I definitely answer them," Ziad says. "I don't want them to live in denial, because I suffered from this as a kid. They live here in this country, and they already live with the consequences of what happened." Interviews with Ziad and Ghassan Halwani were conducted in Arabic. Read more about ICTJ's work in Lebanon.

Photos
  • Truth and Memory
  • Youth Engagement
  • Middle East and North Africa
  • Lebanon
  • . . .

Colombia Recognizes More than 6 Million Victims

For the past three years, April 9th has become an important date to recognize more than 6 million victims of the armed conflict in Colombia. This year, hundreds of Colombians again went to the streets, to mark the National Day of Memory and Solidarity with Victims, as established by Law 1448 –also known as the Victims Law. Across the country, citizens reaffirmed their pledge of sin olvido –to never forget. While the government and the FARC continue to negotiate to put an end to an armed conflict that has lasted for more than 50 years, demonstrators voiced their demands for justice, truth and reparation to be a part of the plans for peace. “April 9th is a day to recall that the tragic history of our country is part of our collective memory of pain,” says María Camila Moreno, director of ICTJ’s Colombia program. “We should see and listen to the multitude of voices, memories, and strengths of victims and survivors.” Colombians arrived in Bogotá from various regions of the country and from different ethnic backgrounds –afrocolombians, indigenous and non-indigenous alike– came together to be part of the day’s events, organized by the Colombian Congress, the National Center for Historical Memory, the Victims Unit and other institutional and civil society organizations from the regions. The day started with the opening of the exhibition Conflict in High Resolution (Conflicto en Alta Resolución) in which Colombian youth conveyed memories of the conflict through plastic sculptures and other visual art. In recognition of the day, Colombia’s Congress hosted a special session in which victims of the conflict participated. At the event, President Juan Manuel Santos addressed the audience: “To attain peace is the most valuable achievement of any society. In the case of Colombia, a country that has suffered so much because of the violence, it has an even greater value.” In addition, people marched through the in the streets of the capital following the so called “Memory Route,” beginning at the National Park and ending in Plaza de Bolivar, in the city center. Many marchers carried photographs of relatives that were killed or disappeared, faces in a sea of white flags, symbols of the demand for peace. Many of the demonstrators held banners calling for justice and reparation for victims. “The National Memory Day is not a simple claim, nor a call for sentimentalism: it is, above all, a reparative act, aimed at the reconstruction of civic trust,” said Moreno.

Photos
  • Truth and Memory
  • Americas
  • Colombia

Special Court for Sierra Leone Closes its Doors, Making Way for Peace Museum

As the Special Court for Sierra Leone formally ended its work on December 2, 2013, a new museum opened on the former premises of the court, dedicated to peace. The SCSL was a hybrid criminal court, established jointly by the UN and Sierra Leone to prosecute perpetrators of serious crimes committed during the country’s civil war. It operated for over a decade and indicted 13 individuals including the former Liberian President Charles Taylor, who was convicted in 2012 for war crimes. It completed its mandate in 2013. The closing ceremony was presided over by Sierra Leone’s President Ernest Bai Koroma, who said the court “reiterates our commitment to fight impunity, and it also underscores our respect for the promotion of the rule of law and preservation of peace and stability.” The ceremony also marked the opening of the Sierra Leone Peace Museum, which will be housed in the complex of the SCSL. A legacy project by the SCSL and the Government of Sierra Leone, the museum is an independent institution with the mission of preserving the history of the war, honoring its victims, and telling the stories of building peace. The museum’s exhibition aims to narrate the history of the war and the story of the peace process through artifacts. It will also host the archive of public records of both the SCSL and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, as well as other historic documents related to the country’s recent history. The grounds will include a Memorial Garden dedicated as place of reflection for victims of the conflict. Through its mobile outreach team, the museum will bring its exhibitions to schools and communities outside Freetown. It also plans to partner with historic sites around the country to help preserve and memorialize places of importance for communities who were affected by the war. ICTJ is pleased to announced that the Peace Museum’s permanent collection will feature ICTJ’s multimedia project entitled “Seeds of Justice: Sierra Leone,” five portraits of Sierra Leoneans whose lives were impacted by the SCSL. The project is the culmination of a year-long initiative by ICTJ to examine the legacy of the Special Court. “The Peace Museum offers an importance new space for Sierra Leoneans and visitors to learn about the tremendous efforts that Sierra Leone has made towards establishing peace, seeking truth about the past, and realizing justice for some of the top perpetrators of crimes during the war,” said David Tolbert, President of ICTJ. “It can act as an important beacon of memory for generations to come.”

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  • Truth and Memory
  • Criminal Justice
  • Sierra Leone
  • Africa
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