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Vision + Mission

We work side by side with victims to obtain acknowledgment and redress for massive human rights violations, hold those responsible to account, reform and build democratic institutions, and prevent the recurrence of violence or repression.

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What Is Transitional Justice?

Transitional justice refers to how societies respond to the legacies of massive and serious human rights violations. It asks some of the most difficult questions in law, politics, and the social sciences and grapples with innumerable dilemmas. Above all, transitional justice is about victims.

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Vision + Mission

We work side by side with victims to obtain acknowledgment and redress for massive human rights violations, hold those responsible to account, reform and build democratic institutions, and prevent the recurrence of violence or repression.

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  • Our Impact + Annual Reports
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What Is Transitional Justice?

Transitional justice refers to how societies respond to the legacies of massive and serious human rights violations. It asks some of the most difficult questions in law, politics, and the social sciences and grapples with innumerable dilemmas. Above all, transitional justice is about victims.

  • Criminal Justice
  • Reparations
  • Truth and Memory
  • Institutional Reform
  • Gender Justice
  • Youth Engagement
  • Sustainable Development Goals
  • Prevention
  • Peace Processes

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In Colombia, Victims and Ex-Combatants See Each Other's Humanity

On June 21-23, 2022, Colombia’s Special Jurisdiction of Peace (la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz, or JEP) held its first acknowledgment hearing on the taking hostages, serious deprivation of liberty, and other concurrent crimes (known as Case 01) at the Virgilio Barco Library auditorium in Bogotá. Seven former leaders of the guerrilla group Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—People’s Army (FARC-EP) acknowledged their command responsibility for the kidnapping crimes that were the FARC-EP’s policy from 1993 to 2012 in the presence of victims, JEP officials, representatives from civil society and international organizations, and members of the national and international press.   This hearing marked the first time ever FARC-EP leaders publicly acknowledged their role in such systemic crimes and represents a decisive step in the country’s restorative justice process and in the affirmation of the victims’ dignity, both needed to mend Colombia’s social fabric torn apart by over 50 years of war.  In order to lay the strongest possible foundation for the encounter between victims and the former FARC-EP leaders, ICTJ facilitated three individual sessions with each of the 29 victims who offered their testimony at the hearing, four preparation workshops with former FARC-EP leaders, and three restorative justice meetings between victims and those responsible before the hearing.  For more, visit "The Road to Acknowledgment in Colombia" feature story.

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  • Truth and Memory
  • Peace Processes
  • Prevention
  • Colombia
  • . . .

Moving to the Beat of Justice: ICTJ Cohosts International Hip Festival on Truth, Memory, and Resistance

Through its initiatives in several countries, ICTJ has learned that hip hop music can be a powerful and effective way to engage young people in transitional justice issues, such as truth, memory, and reconciliation, and encourage their participation in ongoing processes. The music, which particularly appeals to younger generations, can uniquely connect them to historical and ongoing injustices through a cathartic musical experience. It can also inspire them to resist oppression and to demand justice and positive social and political change. In the Gambia and Côte d’Ivoire, for instance, ICTJ partnered with rising hip hop artists in an effort to educate young people about transitional justice processes underway in their respective countries and motivate them to take part in them. The artists created hip hop music about issues related transitional justice, effectively reaching a segment of the population that may not have otherwise known the full extent of past abuses or paid attention to policies meant to address them. These ICTJ-led initiatives fomented creativity and democratized knowledge about how to deal with gross human rights violations after conflict or repression. Several of the young people who participated in them later became leaders in their communities. Knowing the positive role hip hop music can play in the pursuit of truth, justice, and redress, ICTJ staff members from different country offices discussed the idea of holding an international hip hop festival in Colombia where hip hop artists from around world could come together, learn from their each other’s experiences, and share their ideas about transitional justice issues with other artists, experts, practitioners, and civil society representatives. After many months of planning and numerous postponements due to the global COVID-19 public health crisis, ICTJ's office in Colombia joined forces with the Movement of Latin American Expressions of Hip Hop (MELAH) and the online cultural outlet Revista Cartel Urbano to host the hybrid virtual and live International Hip Hop Encounter in Bogotá, Colombia on November 25 through November 28. The four-day event assembled artists, musicians, and activists from across Latin America and Africa for live performances and to discuss the role of hip hop music and culture in uncovering truth, preserving memory, and resisting violence and oppression. Black and Latinx youth in the South Bronx, in New York City, created hip hop music and culture in the 1970’s, against a backdrop of urban blight, poverty, and rising violent and often drug-related crime. The artistic and cultural movement has since spread to nearly every country around the globe. The music, graffiti, and breakdancing often articulate the hardships of marginalized populations and their desire for justice and greater opportunities, regardless of the country where they are made.  Many marginalized populations today, especially those in countries with legacies of gross human rights violations, still grapple with poverty, inequality, social exclusion, and targeted police brutality. For young people in these communities, hip hop remains a relevant tool to help affirm their dignity in face of discrimination and an outlet of creative expression and cultural resistance.  Learn more about the international hip hop encounter here:  

  • Youth Engagement
  • Reparations
  • Truth and Memory
  • Gender Justice
  • Colombia
  • . . .

New Frontiers for Restorative Justice: Colombia’s Special Jurisdiction for Peace

Since time immemorial, justice for a crime has generally meant punishment of the wrongdoer. Even today, some members of society, including victims and lawmakers, still believe that justice is not served unless the guilty party receives a stern and punitive sentence, such a long prison term or even capital punishment for the most serious crimes. However, the theory of justice has evolved tremendously in the last century, and especially in recent decades. Transitional justice processes, in particular, have helped shift the focus of criminal accountability for gross human violations from punishing the offender to fulfilling the victim’s rights to truth, redress, and guarantees of non-recurrence. In doing so, these processes seek to mend the social fabric in societies emerging from, and often torn apart by, violent conflict or repression and to lay the foundation for lasting peace and reconciliation. A justice that focuses on repairing the harm rather than punishing the crime is commonly referred to as reparative justice. Restorative justice traces its roots to traditional and indigenous judicial systems, in which the whole community often participates in administering justice for a crime. Colombia’s ongoing Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) represents the most ambitious process to date to incorporate restorative justice practices into its mandate and operations. Established by the 2016 peace agreement to hold to account those responsible for mass human rights abuses committed during Colombia’s 50-yearlong civil war with the guerrilla group the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the JEP takes an unprecedented mixed approach that integrates substantive restorative justice strategies alongside retributive justice sanctions. As part their sentencing before the court, perpetrators who acknowledge their responsibility for crimes actively participate in restorative justice measures that serve to repair the harms inflicted on the victims and their communities. The recent ICTJ report A Mixed Approach to International Crimes: The Retributive and Restorative Justice Procedures of Colombia’s Special Jurisdiction for Peace describes the court’s mixed model, delves into its innerworkings, and critically assesses its restorative justice components and their impact. Last year, ICTJ hosted a weeklong conference on restorative justice in Bogotá, Colombia, led by three of the world’s most prominent experts in the field: Roberto Cornelli and Adolfo Ceretti from Italy, John Braithwaite from Australia, and ICTJ’s own Deputy Director and Director of Programs Anna Myriam Roccatello. Over the course of the week, these experts met both publicly and privately with members of the JEP, victims, ex-combatants, members of the armed forces, and academics to discuss the role of restorative justice in criminal accountability in general and specifically in the implementation of Colombia’s peace agreement. John Braithwaite, Adolfo Ceretti, and Roberto Cornelli, also made some time to sit down with ICTJ to discuss restorative justice and Colombia’s transitional justice process. The video below presents excerpts from these filmed interviews.

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  • Reparations
  • Criminal Justice
  • Truth and Memory
  • Institutional Reform
  • Colombia
  • Americas
  • . . .

On Victims' Day, Colombia Marches for Peace

As the peace talks progress between the Colombian government and FARC representatives in Havana, many Colombians are increasingly hopeful that the country will be able to put an end to more than 50 years of armed conflict. Despite broad support by many different sectors of society, the negotiations have been controversial, and some people still oppose a political deal with the biggest insurgent group in the country. With the aim of reinforcing the legitimacy of the peace process, which could lead to a historic compromise that would deeply influence the future of the country, thousands of Colombians marched to express their support for the discussions, for peace, and for democracy. Their motto was: “We are the majority: Now is the time for peace!” In 2012, the victims’ law established April 9th as the National Day for Memory and Solidarity with Victims. “On Victims’ Day, we demand peace. This is a necessary condition for real guarantees of non-repetition. ICTJ supports the march because we believe that it is possible to reach just and sustainable peace in Colombia,” stated María Camila Moreno, head of ICTJ’s Colombia office. Mass gatherings took place in all major cities of the country. Hundreds traveled from towns near Bogotá to participate in the national march thattook place in the streets of the capital. One meeting point was the Center for Memory, Peace, and Reconciliation, which was also officially opening to the public for the first time this day. In the Center, before the march started, a series of artistic presentations paid homage to the victims of the armed conflict. Among those exhibitions, there was the photography exhibition “Images to Resist Oblivion,” organized jointly by the Center for Historic Memory and ICTJ. Colombia’s president, Juan Manuel Santos, and the mayor of Bogotá, Gustavo Petro, marched together from the Center for Memory, Peace, and Reconciliation, as a symbolic act of invitation to overcome political and social polarization, and to support a political resolution to the armed conflict.

Photos
  • Reparations
  • Americas
  • Colombia

Plus De Poisson Que Du Poison (More Fish, Not Poison)

Ongoing economic and social inequality, a legacy of the dictatorship, affects Tunisians across generations, but has particularly pronounced impacts on young people. ICTJ worked with four young photographers to confront the consequences of marginalization and explore its impacts on Tunisian youth. Their four photo galleries comprise the exhibition "Marginalization in Tunisia: Images of an Invisible Repression.” In this gallery, Ali Jabeur explores the environmental and economic devastation of the fishing town of Gabes. About the Gallery For years, many people in the Gabes region in eastern Tunisia were fishermen. The Gulf of Gabes is the largest in Tunisia home to a variety of fish and plentiful resources. But in 1947 a chemical company set up in the region. At first it was a boon, creating more jobs, but over time it has become a curse: the factory has become a source of deadly chemical pollution. Aside from the toxic gas that it produces the company also pours waste into the sea each day, which has driven out many of the marine animals that have given life to the region. These problems have had a deep impact on the region: most fishermen in Gabes are now unemployed and have many qualms with the state, which does not seek solutions for their plight. About the Photographer Ali Jabeur, 26, began pursuing photography as a child. “I was the only one in the family allowed to use my father’s ‘very precious’ camera,” he explains. Those amateur family snapshots blossomed into a serious passion during the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, when Ali discovered the power of the photo. “I realized that being a photographer is a responsibility and that taking pictures is a mission,” he says. “For me, it means committing to and defending a cause, an approach that guides all of my work.” Ali is now photojournalist and is currently setting his own communication company up. Explore the other three galleries that comprise "Marginalization in Tunisia: Images of an Invisible Repression" Nedra Jouini on the psychological effects of marginalization Emna Fetni on the social and spacial outskirts of Tunis Ashraf Gharbi on the challenges facing one couple who stood up to the dictatorship

  • Institutional Reform
  • Tunisia

Sons of a Father's Disappearance and a Mother's Struggle

Growing up in Ras el Nabeh, a lively neighborhood in the heart of Beirut, was tough and dangerous in the early 1980s, as it was part of the Green Line –a maze of abandoned streets inhabited by weeds turned into a frontline that vertically divided Christian East Beirut from Muslim West Beirut. Yet, brothers Ziad and Ghassan Halwani have good memories of that time. "I used to look at this neighborhood as a small village," remembers Ziad, the older brother, now 38 years old. "Everybody knew each other there." Their grandfather and uncles lived across the street, where they ran a grocery store. "So we used to make the short trip from my house to my grandpa's house every now and then, we would see everyone on the street," recalls Ghassan, 35. Tensions in the early 1970s between the right-wing Christian Alliance — organized under the Lebanese Front and the Phalange Party— and the leftist Muslim Alliance — represented by the Lebanese National Movement — led to widespread fighting in 1975, marking the beginning of a 15-year civil war in Lebanon. Regional conflict and struggle for control and dominance spilled into Lebanon and added layers of complexity to an already convoluted internal conflict. Interventions and occupation by Palestinian factions, Israel, and Syria played a key role in the course of the conflict. Over 100,000 civilians were killed during the war. As violence intensified between the factions in Beirut, especially near the Green Line, Ras el Nabeh became a combat zone and saw some of the heaviest street fighting. "It was difficult to move around, since there were snipers and battles going on around us," Ziad said. Ghassan will never forget a bomb that exploded near their building on the West side of the line, causing all the windows in their apartment to shatter. "The general ambiance was familial and normal, despite the abnormal circumstances around us," Ziad recalls when thinking about his family's daily life. "I think my parents were making an effort to let us live a normal life." Ziad and Ghassan's father, Adnan Halwani, was a history teacher in a public school, and their mother, Wadad Halwani, was also a teacher. Besides his work at the school, Adnan was an active member of the Lebanese Communist Party, which supported the Palestinian resistance in its fight against Israel. Confrontation spiked in September 1982. On the 14th, President Bechir Gemayel, the leader of the Lebanese Forces – the Christian militia – was assassinated. In retaliation, two days later the Lebanese Phalangist militia –with Israel’s support – attacked two Patestinian refugee camps in Beirut, Sabra, and Shatila, and massacred an estimated 700 to 3,500 people. The number of those killed is still disputed. 'The Most Important Day' On the afternoon of September 24, 1982, the Halwani family was just sitting down for lunch when there was a knock on the door. When Ziad answered, two men who identified themselves as “Taharri” – police detectives – asked to speak with Adnan. They said they needed to take him away for questioning concerning a traffic accident, that it would be only five minutes. They led Adnan to a car at gunpoint and drove off. Ziad doesn't remember the day his father was kidnapped. He doesn't recall opening the door either. He was six years old, and opening the door to visitors was something he often did. He didn't notice anything strange on that day; only after, when more strangers came and asked his mother questions. "I never felt guilty or regretted anything, even if I was the one who opened the door," Ziad says. On the other hand Ghassan, who was three at the time, says he does have some memories of that day, but they’re very confusing. It was "the most important day," he says, but he admits he can’t be sure if the memories are his or based on stories he later heard. Wadad told her sons that Adnan had to travel abroad, that he was in Paris. She even sent letters and gifts to the kids, signing them from "Daddy." When the children heard a plane passing by, they would look up and ask if it was daddy coming home. When Ziad and Ghassan began saying they didn't remember their father's face, Wadad added photos of Adnan to the letters. At the time, disappearances were nothing uncommon. During the 15-year conflict, more than 17,000 people were kidnapped and forcibly disappeared in Lebanon. People were abducted from their homes, from the street, or taken from checkpoints by multiple fighting factions. They were often exchanged for other prisoners, killed out of hatred or for revenge, or were disappeared to deepen sectarian divisions. Many disappeared in mass killings and were buried in mass graves, most of which have never been identified nor exhumed. Others were forcibly taken by Syria and Israel’s armies. When strangers came to Ziad and Ghassan’s home asking about his father, Ziad would hide behind the sofa and listen to the conversations. A few months later, Ziad confessed to his mother that he knew the truth. "Since then, I became an accomplice in hiding the truth from my brother," he recalls. Wadad and Ziad decided that hiding the truth from Ghassan was the best way to protect him. “As a kid, sometimes I used to believe my mother’s ‘story,’ but at other times I was more rational and started having doubts and asking myself questions that were more difficult to answer,” Ghassan says. Some parts of the story his mother told him didn’t make sense. He would anxiously ask himself: “Why did he travel without telling me about it? If he’s abroad, why isn’t he calling?” It was hard for Wadad to keep up the same story for long, and Ghassan’s growing suspicions deeply affected their relationship. The fact that Ziad was told the truth and Ghassan hadn’t resulted in completely different relationships forming between Wadad and her sons. “Ziad was the one who knew, the one who was asked about the enforced disappearance – although he was only six back then – and the one who was consulted before making decisions, especially when it came to hiding the truth from me,” Ghassan recalls. “This situation affected our relationship and still has an impact now.” Ghassan's strongest memories of his father's kidnapping are connected to gossip, which increased Ghassan’s doubts about his father’s absence, but also led him “closer to the truth,” he says. When they visited acquaintances or accompanied their mother to meetings, other boys would ask them who their father was. “Ah, so you’re the son of the guy who was kidnapped,” Ghassan recalls they’d say. “This triggered negative reactions, but also allowed me to know the truth.” Ziad as well felt very uncomfortable when other children asked about his father. When he was 7 or 8, he refused to go to school. “There was a kid in my class who knew about my story and started talking about it publically,” he explains. “I didn’t want my story to be shared because it looked ‘exotic’ for kids back then.” Ziad ended up moving to another school. Ghassan doesn’t remember the exact moment when he told his mother he knew the truth about Adnan, but her confirmation didn't provide any relief either –it actually made things less clear: “When she used to tell me he was in France, it was easy to imagine it. But now she was saying ‘he’s kidnapped and we don’t know anything about him.’ The image in my mind became blurred, I couldn’t relate it to something concrete or tangible.” Wadad's Choices Besides the direct effects Adnan’s enforced disappearance had on Ziad and Ghassan’s life, their childhood was also deeply shaped by their mother’s response to the traumatic event. Wadad quickly became one of the first public voices in Lebanon calling for truth and accountability for the kidnapped and disappeared. Right after Adnan went missing, Wadad went from one police department and military station to another, trying to gather any information she could about his whereabouts. As the months passed, the search turned into public calls for families of the disappeared to gather for demonstrations, and meetings with politicians and other influential figures. Because Ziad and Ghassan were so young, Wadad would take them to the events. "The transition from a familial, stable environment to 'the street' was difficult," Ghassan recalls. "I was surrounded by a lot of people I didn't know, women and kids my age, who were totally in despair... I didn't understand why I was in this place." As Wadad's activism grew stronger, and her work would sometimes keep her away from her children for days. Due to the war, the family constantly moved from house to house inside Beirut, avoiding shellings. Later they moved to Aicha Bakar in West Beirut, away from the Green Line. The brothers don't criticize or fault their mother's commitment to the cause of the disappeared. "Wadad was radical about it. We didn't even think of questioning her absence," Ghassan says. "We missed her, of course, but we couldn't think of delegitimizing or questioning her struggle. I don’t think she gave us any other choice." Adnan's kidnapping would consume all conversations and actions of the Halwani family over the years. At times, Ziad felt overwhelmed by it. "They would only present my father as a great person, as a hero. As a kid, I needed this 'hero' narrative, but I also needed to hear something normal that would be closer to reality. With time, I was bored of listening to the same stories being repeated over and over." Ghassan cannot dissociate his father's kidnapping from his mother's activism, and the impact they both had on his life: "Wadad's struggle never stopped, but it also contributed to perpetuating the other event [Adnan’s disappearance], as if the disappearance was still going on. If Wadad had made other choices, the impact of the disappearance on me would have been different." Making the Struggle Their Own Years have gone by. Although they have never learned the fate of their father, Ziad and Ghassan have found their own ways to contribute to the struggle for truth and accountability about the missing, a movement that both still feel a part of. Ziad defines himself as a "pragmatic" person: "I couldn't abandon the struggle because it was imposed on us and on my mother in particular, but also because there were other people who were in need, who relied on us." He believes that it was the resilience of the victims and their tireless fight that made a few successes possible so far. In April 2014, the State Shura Council, one of the highest judicial authorities in Lebanon, granted the families of the missing access to an archive of information gathered by the Commission of Inquiry on the Missing and Forcibly Disappeared in Lebanon – conducted in 2000 – which has remained classified for over a decade. Yet any real action is still pending. "The state should be held responsible, because it has failed to respond until now," Ziad said. "It should invest in uncovering the truth, despite the amnesty law that was voted in 1991. The [Shura Council] decision is positive. I don't expect secrets to be revealed in these reports; however, the decision itself is symbolic." The fate of the disappeared is a central issue of Ghassan's artistic work. He is an illustrator who has worked on a broad range of projects, from books to movies to advocacy campaigns. One of his themes is the ephemeral character of memory and the importance of documentation, which was further strengthened by a profound experience he had during the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah. When the war began, Wadad and Ghassan had to move out of their home because they couldn't afford the rent – the southern suburb where they lived was becoming too expensive because it wasn’t targeted by Israeli bombings. They couldn't take all of their belongings with them. Among the things they decided to sacrifice and leave behind were parts of the archives Wadad had been collecting over the years – thousands of pictures, posters, videos, and documents from the families of the disappeared. Ghassan told his mother that he would select samples and then take the remaining copies to the garbage. "I was walking alone on the empty streets of Ain al Ramaneh, carrying my small trolley full of posters and copies of files about the missing, amid the sounds of missiles exploding next to me in the Southern Suburb," he recalls. He went back and forth three times. The third time, he looked into the content of the boxes. There were photocopies of pictures of the disappeared. "At this point I was totally in despair, and I asked myself: Why am I doing this?" he explains. He wasn’t able to throw all those people’s lives away. He decided to organize all the documents, based on years and topics, and display them next to the garbage. "I couldn't take them back because I had the originals and these were copies, but I thought that maybe if I arranged them this way, someone passing by could take away a poster or a videotape with him." Nowadays, Wadad, Ziad and Ghassan are living their own independent lives in Beirut. They don’t act as a "conventional" family, Ziad explains, although he and Wadad live on the same street in a residential neighborhood in South-East Beirut. "We don't meet every Sunday for lunch, especially since Wadad is often busy with her projects. But we're still a family!" Ghassan continues to move to different places, after spending some time in France. He is currently working with his mother on a campaign they will launch in September to pressure the government to implement the Shura State decision. Ziad is the manager of a theater in Beirut. He got married and now has two children, six and four years old – the same ages as his brother and he were when their father was kidnapped. He talks to his children about Adnan, their grandfather. "I obviously don't talk to them in an emotional way, but if they seem to have questions, I definitely answer them," Ziad says. "I don't want them to live in denial, because I suffered from this as a kid. They live here in this country, and they already live with the consequences of what happened." Interviews with Ziad and Ghassan Halwani were conducted in Arabic. Read more about ICTJ's work in Lebanon.

Photos
  • Truth and Memory
  • Youth Engagement
  • Middle East and North Africa
  • Lebanon
  • . . .

Special Court for Sierra Leone Closes its Doors, Making Way for Peace Museum

As the Special Court for Sierra Leone formally ended its work on December 2, 2013, a new museum opened on the former premises of the court, dedicated to peace. The SCSL was a hybrid criminal court, established jointly by the UN and Sierra Leone to prosecute perpetrators of serious crimes committed during the country’s civil war. It operated for over a decade and indicted 13 individuals including the former Liberian President Charles Taylor, who was convicted in 2012 for war crimes. It completed its mandate in 2013. The closing ceremony was presided over by Sierra Leone’s President Ernest Bai Koroma, who said the court “reiterates our commitment to fight impunity, and it also underscores our respect for the promotion of the rule of law and preservation of peace and stability.” The ceremony also marked the opening of the Sierra Leone Peace Museum, which will be housed in the complex of the SCSL. A legacy project by the SCSL and the Government of Sierra Leone, the museum is an independent institution with the mission of preserving the history of the war, honoring its victims, and telling the stories of building peace. The museum’s exhibition aims to narrate the history of the war and the story of the peace process through artifacts. It will also host the archive of public records of both the SCSL and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, as well as other historic documents related to the country’s recent history. The grounds will include a Memorial Garden dedicated as place of reflection for victims of the conflict. Through its mobile outreach team, the museum will bring its exhibitions to schools and communities outside Freetown. It also plans to partner with historic sites around the country to help preserve and memorialize places of importance for communities who were affected by the war. ICTJ is pleased to announced that the Peace Museum’s permanent collection will feature ICTJ’s multimedia project entitled “Seeds of Justice: Sierra Leone,” five portraits of Sierra Leoneans whose lives were impacted by the SCSL. The project is the culmination of a year-long initiative by ICTJ to examine the legacy of the Special Court. “The Peace Museum offers an importance new space for Sierra Leoneans and visitors to learn about the tremendous efforts that Sierra Leone has made towards establishing peace, seeking truth about the past, and realizing justice for some of the top perpetrators of crimes during the war,” said David Tolbert, President of ICTJ. “It can act as an important beacon of memory for generations to come.”

Photos
  • Truth and Memory
  • Criminal Justice
  • Sierra Leone
  • Africa
  • . . .

The "Cristinas of Conflict" Keep the Memory of Disappeared Women Alive in Colombia

Fifteen years ago, a young nurse named Cristina Cobo was forcibly disappeared by members of the paramilitary group United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia. Paulina Mahecha, her mother, preserves her memory and that of over 20 other disappeared women from the departments of Meta and Guaviare by creating rag dolls. The "Cristinas of the Conflict," as Paulina calls them, are now part of a traveling exhibition that aims to raise awareness in Colombia about what happened in the south of the country.

Photos
  • Truth and Memory
  • Gender Justice
  • Reparations
  • Americas
  • Colombia
  • . . .

The Future of the Past: 10th Annual Emilio Mignone Lecture

On February 20, ICTJ and New York University School of Law’s Center for Human Rights and Global Justice (CHRGJ) proudly presented the 10th annual Emilio Mignone lecture. For this milestone in the lecture series, ICTJ and CHRGJ welcomed as speaker former UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence, Pablo de Greiff.   Close to 200 people attended the public event, held at the law school’s campus in New York City. Among the distinguished guests was Isabel Mignone, the daughter of Emilio Mignone, the renowned Argentine human rights lawyer and early transitional justice architect after whom the lecture series is named. A robust question and answer session followed the lecture, moderated by ICTJ’s Deputy Executive Director Anna Myriam Roccatello. In his address, titled “The Future of the Past: Reflections on the Current State and Prospects of Transitional Justice,” de Greiff took stock of the field, its accomplishments in the past 30 years and the challenges it faces today and in the years to come. He also reflected on the lasting legacy of the past, particularly for victims of massive human rights abuses, their families, and their societies. “The future of dealing with the past,” de Greiff said in his opening remarks, “is another way of referring to transitional justice.” “The question remains about the amazing endurance of the past, the fact that is does not go away. That, for example, efforts to bribe people by offering them economic development instead of justice may work for awhile but only that, for awhile,” he continued. “There are things that we cannot reasonably expect our fellow citizens to forget…. In many ways, [not] dealing with the past is not an option.” De Greiff pointed to the field’s many triumphs in its relatively brief history, especially its normative impact on both human rights discourse and practice. “Transitional justice has unpacked and, in that sense, helped to give richer content to the notion of justice that is relevant in the wake of massive and systematic violations and abuses,” he said. “Transitional justice has helped to entrench rights to justice, truth, and reparations that 30 years ago were largely fictions for the overwhelming majority of victims of human rights violations and abuses. And it has done it not only doctrinally but also importantly practically.” The Special Rapporteur, however, insisted on modesty in his overall assessment of the field and its capacity for transformative change. “As it has been said of peace agreements, I think transitional justice is not meant to take people to heaven; it is meant to take people out of hell,” he said. “Transitional justice, I want to insist, is not is a universal policy tool, a cure for all sorts of maladies. It is a small, albeit important, part of a broader transformative agenda.”

Photos

The Hood

Ongoing economic and social inequality, a legacy of the dictatorship, affects Tunisians across generations, but has particularly pronounced impacts on young people. ICTJ worked with four young photographers to confront the consequences of marginalization and explore its impacts on Tunisian youth. Their four photo galleries comprise the exhibition "Marginalization in Tunisia: Images of an Invisible Repression.” In this gallery, Emna Fetni explores the neighborhoods on the social and spacial fringes of Tunis.

Photos
  • Youth Engagement
  • Institutional Reform
  • Middle East and North Africa
  • Tunisia
  • . . .

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