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Following post-election violence in 2007–2008, Kenya faced a need to hold accountable those most responsible for the fighting that resulted in more than 1,000 deaths and widespread property destruction and displacement. But national judicial mechanisms proved reticent to do so, and in 2010, the situation was adopted by the ICC, who in January of 2012 announced indictments against four suspects.

Though not a state party to the Rome Statute, Cote d’Ivoire accepted the jurisdiction of the ICC through an ad hoc declaration in April 2003, and in December of 2010—in the wake of the post-election crisis—reaffirmed that declaration. It has been more than one year since Cote d’Ivoire began a critical transition from a decade-long civil war that divided the country and led to widespread human rights violations, forced displacement, and loss of civilian lives and property.

As we mark July 17, designated International Justice Day by the states parties of the International Criminal Court (ICC) just over two years ago, we should not limit our focus to the work of the court or criminal justice as such. Pursuing justice in the aftermath of atrocity presents an opportunity to do three crucial things: reaffirm a society’s shared values about basic ideas of right and wrong; restore confidence in the institutions of the state charged with protecting fundamental rights and freedoms; and recognize the human dignity of the victims of atrocities that have taken place.

Why pursue transitional justice in the aftermath of massive human rights violations? “The Case for Justice” provides a window into the debate about the relevance of transitional justice in today’s world.

Almost 150 criminals, racist killers, and those responsible for mass atrocities committed during and immediately after apartheid have been recommended for special pardon in a deeply flawed and unconstitutional process headed by President Jacob Zuma, the South African Coalition for Transitional Justice (SACTJ) warned today.

Transitional justice, at the core of its mission, strives to “break the ground on a future of peace and stability.” For countries with a violent or repressive past—and this can be said of most—implementing truth-seeking, criminal justice, reparations, and institutional reform measures forms the basis for establishing a culture of justice and respect for the rule of law.

The conviction of former Liberian president Charles Taylor for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in neighboring Sierra Leone finds both West African countries and the region grappling with his terrible legacy. And while the people, and especially Taylor’s victims, in Sierra Leone welcome it as an important step in the country’s effort to overcome the consequences of the brutal civil war, Liberians are still a long way from seeing accountability for the suffering they endured.

NEW YORK, March 22, 2011—The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) congratulates Pablo de Greiff, director of ICTJ’s Research Unit, on the nomination as the first UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence of serious crimes and gross violations of human rights.

After three years on trial and a total of seven in detention, Thomas Lubanga gained the dubious notoriety of becoming the first person to be convicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. It would be encouraging if the court, including the prosecution, indicated it saw Lubanga’s judgment as an opportunity to learn critical lessons as well as celebrate a historic day in international justice.

For the millions of victims of the country’s successive wars, Lubanga is just one of many who are responsible for crimes on an astonishing scale. Congolese authorities must end the widespread impunity enjoyed by those who remain in positions of power in the government and military or violence and instability are likely to continue for years to come.

Last week's decision by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague confirming four Kenyans must answer to charges of crimes against humanity does not excuse their government from responsibility to pursue justice at home, writes ICTJ vice president Paul Seils.

The decision of the International Criminal Court (ICC) confirming charges of crimes against humanity against William Ruto, Joshua Sang, Francis Muthaura, and Uhuru Kenyatta, and declining to confirm charges against Henry Kosgey and Mohammed Ali is a reminder that the vast majority of victims have still not seen justice done, the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) said.

Ambassador Bethuel Kiplagat’s recent attempt to return to the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC)—pending resolution of serious allegations implicating him in acts connected to human rights violations and corruption—threatens the viability and credibility of the TJRC process, ICTJ said.

As ICTJ co-hosts a discussion on complementarity on the margins of the Assembly of State Parties (ASP) of the International Criminal Court (ICC), the principle of ensuring accountability for serious crimes has seen a major breakthrough at a recent high-level meeting at Greentree. The meeting brought together international justice actors, development practitioners, UN representatives, and national rule of law actors to discuss the practical implementation of complementarity and how to strengthen domestic systems seeking to investigate serious crimes.

NEW YORK, Dec. 14, 2011—ICTJ welcomes the election of Fatou Bensouda of Gambia as the next prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Ms. Bensouda was unanimously elected December 12 by the Assembly of States Parties (ASP) during its 10th session in New York City, and will be the court's second prosecutor, commencing in June 2012.

This paper explores practical issues regarding the relationship between the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and Special Court (SC) in Sierra Leone. It looks at: 1) the legal relationship of the Commission and the Court; 2) the question of whether the TRC information should b...

This handbook explains the mandate, origins, purposes, and operating methods of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and Special Court in Sierra Leone. It discusses the differences and similarities between them, in clear, non-technical language. The TRC and Special Court can...

This report describes the Special Court for Sierra Leone’s accomplishments in the first 18 months of its mandate. The Court was established to try "those bearing the greatest responsibility" for serious violations of international law and certain provisions of domestic law since Nove...

This case study provides basic information and policy analysis on the Special Court for Sierra Leone. It aims to help guide policymakers establishing and implementing similar mechanisms. The Court broke new ground in terms of narrowly focusing on those bearing the greatest responsibi...

This paper assesses the impact of the International Criminal Court (ICC) on conflicts in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The Sudanese government challenged and undermined the jurisdiction of the ICC from the start. Conversely, the leading actors in the DRC supported ...

Document from the High Court of South Africa regarding a case on enforced disappearances.

This research brief provides case studies on the use of pardons in Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and South Africa following periods of mass abuse, and highlights subsequent political and civil society action to overcome impunity exacerbated by pardons and amnesties.

Applicants apply to the Supreme Court of Appeal against the judgment regarding North Gauteng High Court, Pretoria.

The Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL or Special Court) was established in 2002 when the two United Nations (UN) ad hoc international tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda had already existed for several years and when the first lessons could be drawn from their experi...

The Special Court for Sierra Leone-which began with the hope that it would be accessible to millions of Sierra Leoneans- has fallen short of its domestic goals. The decision to try Taylor in The Hague, rather than in Freetown, and the lack of adequate outreach activities made the cour...