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On March 25, 2026, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution recognizing the enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. The resolution is an integral part, if not the culmination, of a wider push by African states for reparations for historical injustices, including the transatlantic slave trade, colonialism, apartheid, and genocide.

As the world marks the third anniversary of the brutal war in Sudan, it is a moment to reflect on a conflict that rarely receives the media attention it deserves and to consider the millions of Sudanese caught in cycles of violence.

Recent Israeli strikes in Beirut and other populated areas in Lebanon, among the conflict's most intense so far, have destroyed critical infrastructure and devastated civilian communities. ICTJ stands unequivocally with the Lebanese people and all victims across the region and calls for an immediate end to all attacks on and threats to civilian communities and infrastructure.

On February 19, 2026, Venezuela’s National Assembly passed the Amnesty Law for Democratic Coexistence, which seeks to extinguish criminal liability for certain acts committed in the country over the past 26 years. While the law has sparked debate, it undeniably represents a significant development in the country's political landscape.

Throughout 2025, ICTJ’s experts offered thoughtful analysis on conflicts and major political developments in more than 10 countries as part of the World Report newsletter. Their insightful commentaries shed light on the obstacles that victims, civil society, and their partners must navigate as they pursue sustainable peace and justice. In this edition, we look back on the past year through the Expert’s Choice column.

On November 20 — on the 80th anniversary of the opening of the main Nuremberg trial, which prosecuted Nazi leadership for aggression and mass atrocities of World War II — details of the allegedly proposed new “peace” plan for Ukraine emerged. The initiative has surfaced one of the Kremlin’s recurrent demands: full amnesty for wartime atrocities — the very acts Nuremberg sought to punish and prevent.

The death of eight women in childbirth at a hospital in Agadir this past August sent shockwaves through Morocco. The news crystallized national anger over deteriorating public services as well as persistent high unemployment and corruption. Years of frustration erupted into the streets as thousands of mostly young Moroccans gathered in cities and towns across the nation to protest and to demand accountability and institutional reform.

On October 6, the International Criminal Court (ICC) found former Janjaweed militia leader Ali Muhammad Ali Abd-Al-Rahman (also known as Ali Kushayb) guilty of 27 counts of crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Darfur between August 2003 and March 2004. This landmark verdict counters cycles of impunity in Sudan and sends a powerful message that these crimes are not tolerated.

On August 8, Armenia and Azerbaijan signed the Joint Declaration on Future Relations. Hailed by some as a “historic peace deal,” it neither is a treaty nor ends the 37-year Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Rather, it is a political framework that requires international support and attention.

The numerous atrocities committed by Russia in Ukraine have been part of the former's aggression since its initial invasion of the Crimea and Donbas regions in 2014, though they have skyrocketed in number and severity since the full-scale invasion in 2022. Among these crimes are enforced disappearances, which serve as the means by which the Kremlin more broadly intends to subjugate Ukrainians and eliminate any traces of the Ukrainian national identity.

The police response to the peaceful anti-government protests in Kenya over the past year has been deadly and brutal. Their actions have rocked the country and reaffirmed the 2013 findings of the Kenyan Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (KTJRC) that state security agencies, particularly the police, have historically used excessive and disproportionate force and “been the main perpetrators of bodily integrity violations of human rights in Kenya including massacres, enforced disappearances, torture and ill-treatment, and sexual violence.”

Across Syria today, we continue to witness human rights violations and abuses that run counter to the very principles upon which the revolution was built. In particular, recent violence in the coast and Sweida has deepened the sense of fear and mistrust already felt by many communities. Meanwhile, Syria's new transitional justice commissions have been working hard to lay the foundations of their mandates. Now, at this critical juncture, they must show that they are ready to lead and first and foremost to serve victims.

On April 14, 2025, the Johannesburg High Court handed down a landmark judgment. From his bench in courtroom 4D, Judge Dario Dosio dismissed the defense team’s objections to the inclusion of murder and apartheid as crimes against humanity charges in the indictment against two individuals accused of a deadly 1982 attack on anti-apartheid student activists. In so doing, the court cleared the way for crimes against humanity charges to be pursued in a South African domestic court for the first time. It also opened the door to the first ever prosecution of apartheid as a crime against humanity anywhere in the world.

ICTJ welcomes the formation of two new independent institutions in Syria: the National Commission for Transitional Justice and the National Commission for the Missing. Established by presidential decree, these commissions represent a historic step forward in acknowledging the demands of victims and their families and formally responding to the widespread violations committed in Syria over the last decades.

This April, Sudan marked a double anniversary: one of the 2019 revolution that toppled President Omar al Bashir’s decades-long repressive regime, the other of the 2023 outbreak of the ongoing civil war that has devastated the country. These contrasting occasions bring with them great hopes and deep pain. They also raise pressing questions: How long will Sudan have to suffer while the world’s attention seems turned the other way? How long will the voices of Sudanese who yearn for peace and justice continue to be sidelined?

ICTJ is outraged by the recent massacre in Syria, where over 1,000 civilians were brutally killed in yet another wave of violence. This appalling crime underscores the urgent and undeniable need to protect civilians and provide justice and accountability.

The fall of the Assad regime marks the beginning of a long-overdue transformation in Syria. For the first time in decades, space has opened to speak freely about justice, accountability, and reconciliation. It is a moment filled with uncertainty and pain, but also one of immense hope.

South Sudan’s transition to democratic governance through a highly anticipated, first-ever post-independence general election has to wait once again for another two years. Despite this latest extension, the country has achieved notable milestones in its transitional justice process.

The fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime after 53 years of authoritarian rule marks a significant moment in the pursuit of justice, peace, and human rights. While this transition opens the door to new possibilities, it also underscores the immense obstacles and responsibilities that lie ahead.

In February 2024, the International Criminal Court (ICC) delivered its long-awaited reparations order in the case of The Prosecutor vs. Dominic Ongwen. Nearly two decades after the ICC intervened in Northern Uganda, this milestone decision both acknowledges the suffering of survivors and underscores the complexities and limitations of international justice. For victims who have waited for justice for over two decades, the order has been bittersweet.

Two and a half years after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, victims continue to demand justice for the massive violations they have suffered, which have left many of them gravely harmed. The International Criminal Court opened an investigation into alleged crimes in March 2022. It now faces a critical challenge: how to ensure that Ukrainian victims can meaningfully participate in all stages of its procedures, despite the court’s location far from the conflict.

Thirty years after the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, painful memories of those gruesome 100 days, during which almost one million Rwandan citizens lost their lives, still haunt the people of Rwanda, the rest of Africa, and the world. It is a solemn occasion to remember and honor the victims and survivors of the genocide and to acknowledge the tremendous strength and resilience they have shown in the wake of unspeakable tragedy. However, it is also a time for candid introspection on the African continent, and around the world, about the policies and mechanisms in place to prevent such atrocities.

On February 29, 2024, The Gambia-Economic Community of West African States Joint Technical Committee held its inaugural meeting on the establishment of a hybrid court to hold to account those responsible for gross human rights violations committed in the country between July 1994 and January 2017 during the dictatorship of former President Yahya Jammeh. Such an internationalized court presents an opportunity to deliver criminal accountability to the victims and Gambian society as whole. It is also just the latest step in The Gambia’s transitional justice journey.

Thousands took to the streets across Kenya on January 27 following the gruesome slaying of more than a dozen women to denounce violence against women and demand action to end it. Protesters later gathered in Nairobi on February 14 for a Valentine’s Day vigil for the more than 30 women murdered in the country so far this year and to pressure the government to declare femicide and violence against women a national emergency and to establish a commission to address these crimes and thereby break the cycle of impunity. These efforts are laudable, if not inspiring. However, physical and sexual violence against women and femicide—at times perpetrated by law enforcement officers who are meant to protect them, as enshrined in Kenya’s 2010 Constitution—has persisted in Kenya for decades.